The Netherlands' abrupt awakening
THE RECENT Dutch elections were nothing short of an
earthquake, expressing frustration and disappointment with the Dutch Labour
Party (PvdA). The winners were the Christian Democratic Party, which was in
government from 1918-94 (longer than the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, as
the joke goes) and the List Pim Fortuyn (LPF), named after an academic who
turned politician with remarkable success. He was shot on 6 May, the first
political assassination in the Netherlands for many years. An environmentalist
and animal rights activist, Volkert van der Graaf, is in police custody for the
murder.
The swing to the right does not, however, reflect solid
political support for conservative ideas. It is rather a sign of aversion to
established parties and policies. The result displays tremendous anger over the
bankruptcy of the so-called 'Polder model', the Dutch version of social
partnership that paralysed the class struggle. In that climate the capitalists
and their parties, which did not seem to differ much programmatically, had a
free hand in ruining Dutch society. Social services deteriorated, wages were
kept down, and there was a complete failure to aid the integration of immigrants
into society or to tackle the poverty in one of the richest countries in the
world. Fortuyn, in his own distorted way, tapped into this mood and presented
himself as the most vigorous anti-establishment candidate.
The Dutch elections seemed to become a victory for the right
from the beginning. A year ago it seemed as if the Liberal Party was going to
become the biggest party in parliament. Coalition politics forced it to keep a
middle road and a vacuum developed on the right. Into this stepped Fortuyn. He
developed a political movement in a few short months. He was a soloist, but
needed a party. His party organisation is firmly controlled by small and
middle-sized capitalists who want a more direct say in politics.
Fortuyn's style was very attractive to the media and he knew
how to get the established politicians on edge. He was not the usual type of
racist, but he played on peoples' fears of the growth of the immigrant
community. He succeeded in splitting the right-wing vote to the benefit of his
own list, but he increased support for the right as a whole. Socialists, of
course, condemn Fortuyn's killing unreservedly, and recognise the
counterproductive effects it has, especially on provoking hostility towards 'the
left'.
His murder not only left the LPF without its dominating
leader, but also without a party organisation, programme or philosophy. Its main
legacy is the emotions that he stirred and the strong feelings around his death.
It is very unclear what points of Fortuyn's contradictory statements and
proposals will remain in the LPF programme, now it is taking part in the
negotiations for a new government. The mathematics of the next coalition
government are clear: a combination of Christian Democrats, Liberal Party and
LPF - a right-wing government which would have a staggering 92 seats in a
parliament of 150. But the politics are not so easy. The LPF wants to close the
Dutch borders to immigration, except in very limited numbers. The Christian
Democrats do not go this far and have to take a certain amount of Christian
sentiments into account. Fortuyn himself has called Islam 'backward', later
adjusting that to 'backwardish', and this lashing out at religion does not rest
easy with the Christian Democrats. The Liberal Party is not enthusiastic about
participating in government because of its election losses.
Nevertheless, a right-wing government seems to be on the
political agenda. LPF is a pro-business party which supports neo-liberal
policies. Its measures will anger the working class, which wants bigger wage
increases, a functioning health care system, education and a reasonable standard
of social security. These are not available and will be even less so under such
a right-wing coalition. The unions will probably be forced into action and even
though protests on the scale of Italy are unlikely in the short term, events in
Italy provide us with insight into the future of the Netherlands. Social unrest
and union protest will provide the basis for the political regeneration of the
working class.
At present, the Socialist Party (SP) in The Netherlands is
the only party that reflects the interests of ordinary people, consistently
fighting against the neo-liberal policies of the last government. It increased
its number of seats from five to nine in the elections. The Socialist Party was
originally a Maoist group that has developed into a broadly-based party with
30,000 members and a sizeable representation in parliament. On a local level,
however, it co-operates with bourgeois parties. The danger is that, like the
Green Left, its 'governmental tendencies' will become stronger and might even
come to dominate the party.
That is why Offensief, the Dutch section of the Committee
for a Workers' International (CWI), argues inside the Dutch SP for socialist
demands and a militant struggle for working-class interests. On the basis of
this struggle to turn the SP into the new mass workers' party that we need, four
local SP councillors have been won to Offensief.
The main questions for the future are: how long will it take
for resistance to right-wing capitalist policies to develop? To what extent will
the Labour Party be able to profit from this? Will the Socialist Party develop
into a principled party of opposition and give leadership to working-class
opposition to the right?
The present election result is unstable. Many people voted
for the Christian Democrats because they no longer wanted to vote for the
Liberal Party and wanted to avoid the unstable LPF. The support for the
Christian Democrats is not very solid and might evaporate at the next elections.
LPF will go through a number of crises and possibly a right-wing party will
spring from it. Many of its voters, however, are likely to go back to the
Liberal Party at the next elections.
The Netherlands was a haven of political stability in the
past. Its politics exuded the idea of consensus and co-operation between parties
and classes. In that respect it used to be a quiet, almost non-political
country. Central to the economic and political policies was keeping wages about
15% below those in Germany. The trade union bureaucracy saw to this. As the
economy expanded in the 1990s, wages were kept low by introducing women to the
labour market, mainly in badly paid part-time jobs. During the boom years
tensions continued to build up. Waiting lists for healthcare, a lack of teachers
and funding in education, increased insecurity on the streets, were all symptoms
of increasing crisis in Dutch capitalism.
After union resistance to capitalist policies subsided under
the influence of the union leaders like Wim Kok, the Dutch working class turned
its hopes towards the Labour Party. Under the attacks of the right wing
governments in the 1980s, the support for the Labour Party started to grow in
the run up to the elections in 1986. A parliamentary majority for the Labour
Party was in sight.
But when the party, with Wim Kok taking the leadership in
1986, started its election campaign it made it clear that its only purpose was
to oust the Liberal Party (conservatives) from the coalition with the Christian
Democrats and form a government with the Christian Democrats itself. This
prospect had no appeal to the working class, and support for the Labour Party
started to dwindle. The results of the 1986 election were not too bad for the
Labour Party, but it was nowhere near a majority. The Labour Party succeeded in
forming a coalition with the Christian Democrats in 1990. This government fell
apart when the Christian Democrats lost a historic 20 seats in 1994.
The Labour Party then made a surprising move. It entered
into a coalition with the Liberal Party. Under the influence of neo-liberalism,
the Liberal Party used the Labour Party for its own ends. It became clear to
many people that the Labour Party was no longer an organisation that in any way
represented the working class. It squeezed it dry, until it lost a staggering 22
seats at these latest elections.
The Netherlands has woken up to the 21st century. The
'Polder model' type of politics has proven to be an illusion. The Netherlands is
a country like all the other European countries, with right and left as
opposites. It is a matter of time before the working class will reassert itself,
as it is starting to do in Italy and France. The political protests against the
right in those countries and the trade union movement in Germany show the way
forward. The frustrations about the failure of social democracy, the lack of a
mass workers' party and the bureaucracy in the unions, cannot be diverted to the
right indefinitely.
Pieter Brans
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