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The birth of Bangladesh
Forty years ago, Bangladesh became an independent
state, breaking away from Pakistan. This followed years of repression at
the hands of the political and military elite in power since Pakistan’s
independence from British colonial rule in 1947. KHALID BHATTI looks
back at the tumultuous time of uprisings, military coups and
international intervention out of which Bangladesh was born.
BANGLADESH APPEARED ON the world map as an
independent country in 1971 after a nine-month war of liberation in
which nearly one million people died. The civil war in East Pakistan
(now Bangladesh) started when the Pakistani army launched a military
offensive against the protesting Bengali people in March 1971. The war
and subsequent independence of East Pakistan was the direct result of
the policies adopted by the establishment based in West Pakistan and the
treatment it meted out to the Bengali population.
There was a strong perception that Bengalis were the
second-class citizens of Pakistan, and that the ruling elite in West
Pakistan would not give them their rightful share. Economic
underdevelopment, increasing poverty and unemployment existed alongside
the denial of basic democratic and human rights. Combined with the
economic, political, social and cultural dominance of the ruling elite
of West Pakistan, this gave rise to the nationalist sentiments and mood
among the masses of East Pakistan. This peaked when the West Pakistan
establishment refused to recognise the parliamentary majority won in
East Pakistan and their right to head the federal government.
Following the end of British direct colonial rule,
India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan
were created in 1947. The region of Bengal was divided along religious
lines. The predominantly Muslim eastern half became the East Bengal
state (later renamed East Pakistan) of Pakistan, and the predominantly
Hindu western part became the West Bengal state of India.
Pakistan, itself, was made up of two areas, East and
West, which were separated by more than 1,000 miles of Indian territory.
While the West contained a minority of Pakistan’s total population, it
had the largest share of revenue allocation, and industrial,
agricultural and infrastructure development. The Punjabis, Muhajirs and
Pashtuns dominated the military and civil bureaucracy, the real power in
the country which took full advantage of the weak political leadership
and capitalist class. Bengalis were underrepresented in the state
structures. Only one regiment in the Pakistani army was Bengali. And
many Bengalis felt that the bitter dispute between India and Pakistan
over Kashmir left East Pakistan increasingly vulnerable and threatened.
Political instability and economic difficulties
marked Pakistan’s history from its formation. In 1956, a constitution
was finally adopted, describing the country as an ‘Islamic republic
within the Commonwealth’. The political musical chairs continued until
the imposition of martial law in 1958 by General Ayub Khan. This was
maintained until 1962, when Khan declared himself president (and field
marshal) – he stood down in March 1969. Martial law was again imposed
between 1969, when General Yahya Khan took over, and 1971. Prolonged
military rule further alienated the Bengali population. Not only did the
gulf between rich and poor reach unprecedented levels, exacerbating
class tensions, but the disparity between West and East Pakistan also
reached new heights.
The language movement
IN 1948, THE government of Pakistan ordained Urdu as
the sole national language, sparking extensive protests among the
Bengali-speaking majority of East Pakistan. Facing rising sectarian
tensions and mass discontent, the government outlawed public meetings
and rallies. Students at the University of Dhaka and other political
activists defied the law, organising a protest on 21 February 1952, when
a number of students were killed by the police.
The deaths provoked widespread civil unrest led by
the Awami Muslim League, later renamed the Awami League. After years of
conflict, the central government relented and granted official status to
the Bengali language in 1956. The language movement was the catalyst for
the assertion of Bengali national identity, the forerunner of the
nationalist movements – including the six-point movement of the Awami
League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, which called for a federal
government with a high level of autonomy – and the liberation war
itself.
The first election for the East Bengal provincial
assembly was held from 8-12 March 1954. The Awami Muslim League,
Krishak-Sramik party and Nezam-e-Islam formed the United Front, which
won 215 of the 237 Muslim seats. The ruling Muslim League got only nine
seats, the Khilafat-E-Rabbani party got one, while independents took
twelve. Later, seven independents joined the United Front and one joined
the Muslim League. The Muslim League had provoked anger for opposing the
demand for the recognition of Bangla as one of the state languages, and
by ordering the massacre of 1952, key reasons for the collapse in its
support.
This cabinet lasted for only 14 days. The Muslim
League did all it could to undermine the United Front. In the third week
of May, there were bloody riots between Bengali and non-Bengali workers
in mills and factories of East Bengal. The United Front was blamed for
failing to control the situation. The federal administration sacked the
United Front government, paving the way for direct federal government
rule of East Bengal from the federal capital, further fuelling
nationalist sentiments.
The rise of the Awami League
THE AWAMI LEAGUE had been formed in 1955 when the
Awami Muslim League split into a pro-establishment right wing and an
anti-establishment, left-leaning, radical nationalist group, which
became a mass force in the late 1960s. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman emerged as
its main leader.
The revolutionary uprising of the working masses
shook the military regime of Ayub Khan, who was replaced by General
Yahya Khan in March 1969. The situation was ripe for a socialist
revolution led by the workers. The workers, peasants, urban poor,
students, layers of the urban and rural middle classes, and youth showed
their determination, courage and power and continued their struggle to
overthrow capitalism and feudalism. The ideas of socialism spread like
wildfire. The gigantic general strike and mass demonstrations paralysed
the state apparatus for more than a month, in the East and West.
In the absence of a genuine socialist revolutionary
party and leadership, however, the Stalinist and Maoist left failed to
build a working-class alternative. Instead, they blindly followed the
reactionary and bankrupt Stalinist idea of the stages theory which held
that, following national ‘liberation’, an indefinite period of
capitalist economic growth and parliamentary rule was necessary before
it was possible to move on to transform society on a socialist basis.
Fearing that they were about to completely lose
control of the situation, the ruling class and military establishment
announced the first general elections in the country, in 1970, in an
attempt to defuse the situation and divert the attention of the working
masses.
The ruling elite were also struck by the effects of
the Bhola cyclone, which made landfall on the East Pakistan coastline
during the evening of 12 November 1970. Coinciding with the local high
tide, it wrought massive devastation, killing 300,000 to 500,000 people.
Though the exact death toll is not known, it is considered to be the
deadliest tropical cyclone on record. A week later, Yahya Khan conceded
that his government had made ‘mistakes’ in its handling of the relief
effort, due to its underestimation of the magnitude of the disaster.
A statement released by eleven political leaders in
East Pakistan ten days after the cyclone hit charged the government with
"gross neglect, callous and utter indifference". On 19 November,
students held a march in the provincial capital, Dhaka, protesting the
slowness of the government response. Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani,
peasant leader of the radical, left-wing National Awami Party (NAP),
addressed a rally of 50,000 people on 24 November, where he demanded the
president’s resignation.
The results of the general election clearly
reflected the mood and consciousness in society. Both the Pakistan
People’s Party (PPP), led by Zulfikur Ali Bhutto, and the Awami League
emerged as the leading parties on slogans based around socialism,
secularism and democracy. The working masses had rejected the vicious
propaganda against socialism and had voted overwhelmingly for social
change. All the religious and pro-establishment parties were routed.
The Awami League also used nationalism as a main
slogan, cleverly mixing this with the class issues to gain the support
of the radicalised workers, students and youth. The Awami League won 165
of the 167 national assembly seats reserved for East Pakistan. The two
other seats were won by independents. The PPP won 81 of the seats in
West Pakistan to become the leading force there. On a national level,
the Awami League was also the single largest party in the 313-seat
parliament.
The election results shocked the establishment.
Yahya Khan, the interim military ruler/president, refused to convene
parliament. Instead, talks were brokered on constitutional questions
about the division of power between the central government and the
provinces, as well as on the possibility of forming a national
government headed by the Awami League. The talks proved unsuccessful. On
1 March 1971, Khan indefinitely postponed the pending parliamentary
session, precipitating massive civil disobedience in East Pakistan.
Bhutto proclaimed his support for ‘bread, cloth and
shelter’ for the poor masses and an end to the capitalist system. But he
completely opposed the right of self-determination for the Bengalis of
East Pakistan. Bhutto would not agree to Mujibur Rahman taking over the
federal government, even though the Awami League had won an overall
majority, and he was opposed to genuine autonomy for the East. As events
unfolded, Bhutto gave his support to Yahya Khan and the generals in
their determination to crush the independence movement, then took over
as president and martial law administrator in December 1971.
Beginning the liberation struggle
AS THE CONFLICT between East and West Pakistan
developed in March, the Dhaka offices of the two government
organisations directly involved in the Bhola cyclone relief effort were
closed for at least two weeks, first by a general strike and then by a
ban on government work in East Pakistan imposed by the Awami League.
With this increase in tension, foreign personnel were evacuated over
fears of violence. Relief work continued in the field, but long-term
planning was curtailed. This conflict widened into the Bangladesh
liberation war and concluded with the creation of Bangladesh.
On 2 March 1971, a group of students, led by ASM
Abdur Rob, vice-president of the Dhaka University Central Students Union
and well-known left-wing leader, raised the new (proposed) flag of
Bangladesh under the direction of the Swadhin Bangla Nucleus, an
underground organisation in the leadership of the liberation struggle.
The following day, student leader, Sahjahan Siraj, read the declaration
of independence (sadhinotar ishtehar) at Paltan Maidan, at a public
meeting, again organised by the Swadhin Bangla Nucleus.
On 7 March, there was a historical public gathering
in Paltan Maidan to hear Mujibur Rahman outline the need for revolution
and independence. Although he avoided a direct call for independence, as
talks were still underway, the speech is considered to be a key moment
in the preparation for war. It is remembered for Rahman’s call: "This
time the revolution is for freedom. This time, the revolution is for
liberation". (Ebarer shongram muktir shongram. Ebarer shongram
shadhinotar shongram.)
On the evening of 25 March 1971, the rising
political discontent and cultural nationalism in East Pakistan was met
by brutal repression from the ruling elite of the West Pakistan
establishment, codenamed Operation Searchlight.
Rahman was arrested and the political leaders
dispersed, mostly fleeing to neighbouring India where, subsequently,
they organised a provisional government. Before being held by the army,
Rahman passed on a handwritten note of the declaration of independence
and it was circulated among the people. Bengali army major, Ziarur
Rahman, captured Kalurghat radio station in Chittagong and read out the
declaration proclaiming the independence of Bangladesh.
Operation searchlight
THE AIM OF Operation Searchlight was to crush the
Bengali nationalist movement by taking control of the major cities and
then eliminating all opposition, political or military, within a month.
Before the start of the operation, all foreign journalists were
systematically deported from East Pakistan. The main phase of the
operation ended with the fall of the last major town in Bengali hands in
mid-May.
Atrocities were committed. These systematic killings
served only to enrage the Bengalis – and, ultimately, resulted in the
secession of East Pakistan later in the same year. International media
and reference books have published casualty figures which vary greatly –
from 5,000 to 35,000 in Dhaka; and 200,000 to three million for
Bangladesh as a whole. The atrocities have been referred to as acts of
genocide. According to the Asia Times, at a meeting of the military top
brass, Yahya Khan declared: "Kill three million of them and the rest
will eat out of our hands". Fighters were disarmed and killed, students
and the intelligentsia systematically liquidated, and able-bodied
Bengali males singled out and gunned down.
Although the violence focused on Dhaka, it affected
all parts of East Pakistan. The residential halls of the University of
Dhaka were particularly targeted. The only Hindu residential hall –
Jagannath Hall – was destroyed by the Pakistani armed forces, and an
estimated 600-700 of its residents were murdered. The army denies any
cold-blooded killings at the university, though the Hamood-ur-Rehman
commission in Pakistan concluded that overwhelming force was used there.
These events have been corroborated by a videotape filmed secretly by
Professor Nurul Ullah of the East Pakistan Engineering University, whose
residence was directly opposite the student dormitories.
At first, resistance was spontaneous and
disorganised. But, as the crackdown intensified, resistance grew. The
Mukti Bahini freedom fighters became increasingly active. Increasing
numbers of Bengali soldiers defected to this underground Bangladesh
army, bolstering their weaponry with supplies from India. Pakistan
responded by airlifting in two infantry divisions and reorganising its
forces. It also raised paramilitary forces of Razakars, Al-Badrs and
Al-Shams – mostly members of the Jamati Islami (the main religious
fundamentalist organisation) and other Islamist groups – as well as
other Bengalis who opposed independence, and Bihari Muslims who had
settled during the time of partition.
On 17 April, a provisional government of the
People’s Republic of Bangladesh was formed in Meherpur (later renamed
Mujibnagar), in western Bangladesh bordering India. Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, who was in prison in Pakistan, was named as president, Syed
Nazrul Islam, acting president, Tajuddin Ahmed, prime minister, and
General Muhammad Ataul Ghani Osmani, commander-in-chief.
Indian intervention
THE WAR LED to a sea of refugees – estimated at the
time to be about ten million – flooding into the eastern Indian
provinces of Assam and West Bengal. Facing a mounting humanitarian and
economic crisis – and seeking to keep influence over an increasingly
radicalized liberation movement – India started to actively aid and
organise the Mukti Bahini, and sent in troops in December 1971.
West Pakistan’s ruling elite correctly feared that
India’s entry into the war spelled certain defeat. So it launched a
pre-emptive strike on Indian air force bases on 3 December – modelled on
the Israeli air force’s Operation Focus during the 1967 six-day war –
which was intended to neutralise Indian planes on the ground. The plan
failed to achieve the desired effect since India had anticipated such an
action. It was seen by India, however, as an open act of unprovoked
aggression and marked the official start of the Indo-Pakistan war.
Pakistan’s regime made urgent appeals to the United
Nations to intervene and force India to agree to a ceasefire. The UN
Security Council assembled on 4 December 1971 to discuss the situation.
After lengthy discussions, on 7 December, the United States put forward
a resolution for an "immediate ceasefire and withdrawal of troops".
Stalinist Russia vetoed the resolution twice. In light of the Pakistani
atrocities, Britain and France abstained.
Three Indian corps were involved in the invasion of
East Pakistan. They were supported by nearly three brigades of Mukti
Bahini, with many more fighting irregularly. This was far superior to
Pakistan’s 90,000 troops. India’s external intelligence agency, RAW,
mobilised the largest covert operation in the history of South Asia,
providing crucial logistical support to the Mukti Bahini during the
initial stages of the war.
The Indian army quickly overran the country,
selectively engaging or bypassing heavily defended strongholds.
Pakistani forces were unable to effectively counter the onslaught, as
they had been deployed in small units around the border to counter
guerrilla attacks by the Mukti Bahini. Unable to defend Dhaka, the
Pakistanis surrendered on 16 December 1971, the largest surrender since
the second world war. Bangladesh sought admission to the UN with most
voting in its favour, but China vetoed this as Pakistan was its key
ally, as was the United States, which was one of the last nations to
accord Bangladesh recognition.
The geopolitical stage
ALTHOUGH US PRESIDENT Richard Nixon claimed that he
would not get involved in the situation, saying that it was an internal
matter of Pakistan, his administration provided political and material
support to Yahya Khan throughout the turmoil. Nixon and his national
security adviser, Henry Kissinger, feared the expansion of Russian
influence into South and Southeast Asia. Pakistan was a close ally of
Maoist China, with whom Nixon had been negotiating a rapprochement and
which he intended to visit in February 1972.
The US administration feared that an Indian invasion
of West Pakistan would mean the domination of the region by Stalinist
Russia. That, in turn, would seriously undermine the global position of
the US and the regional position of America’s new tacit ally, China. In
order to demonstrate to China the reliability of the US as an ally, and
in direct violation of the US Congress-imposed sanctions on Pakistan,
Nixon sent military supplies to Pakistan, routeing them through Jordan
and Iran. China was encouraged to increase arms supplies to Pakistan.
The Nixon administration ignored the reports it
received of the genocidal activities of the Pakistani army in East
Pakistan, most notably in the infamous ‘Blood telegram’. This had been
sent by US diplomat, Archer Blood, on 6 April 1971 and had highlighted
atrocities during the liberation war.
Stalinist Russia supported the Indian army and Mukti
Bahini during the war, recognising that the independence of Bangladesh
would weaken the position of its global and regional rivals. It gave
assurances to India that, if a confrontation with the US or China
developed, Russia would take countermeasures. This was enshrined in the
Indo-Soviet friendship treaty signed in August 1971.
When Pakistan’s defeat seemed certain, Nixon sent
the aircraft carrier, USS Enterprise, to the Bay of Bengal, a move which
ratcheted up nuclear tensions in the region. USS Enterprise arrived on
station on 11 December 1971. On 6 and 13 December, the Russian navy
dispatched two groups of ships, armed with nuclear missiles, from
Vladivostok. They trailed the US task force in the Indian ocean from 18
December until 7 January 1972.
At the end of the war, the Warsaw Pact countries of
Central and Eastern Europe were among the first to recognise Bangladesh.
Stalinist Russia accorded recognition to Bangladesh on 25 January 1972.
The United States eventually did so in April. On 2 July 1972, the Simla
accord was signed between India and Pakistan, the stated aim being to
normalise relations between India and Pakistan, including the return of
Pakistani prisoners of war. Pakistan officially recognised Bangladesh in
1974.
Armed resistance
THE MUKTI BAHINI was formed to fight off the
military crackdown by the Pakistan army on 25 March 1971, and as part of
the final push of the Bangladesh freedom movement. Ever since the anti-Ayub
uprising in 1969 and during the height of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s
six-points campaign, however, there had been a growing movement for
Bengali independence in East Pakistan, driven by the nationalists,
radicals and leftists.
Apart from the Mukti Bahini, there were independent
guerrilla groups led by individual leaders which successfully controlled
a number of areas. The regular forces, later called Niomita Bahini, were
drawn from members of the East Bengal Regiments, East Pakistan Rifles,
the police, other paramilitary forces and those in the general
population who were led by the army commanders in Bangladesh’s eleven
sectors. Three major forces – Z-Force, under Major Ziarur Rahman,
K-Force, under Major Khaled Mosharraf, and S-Force, under Major KM
Shafiullah – were established later.
The irregular forces, generally called Gono Bahini
(people’s army), were those who were trained more in guerrilla warfare
than conventional combat. They consisted of students, peasants, workers
and political activists. Other armed groups were based around organised
local struggle, the youth and student wings of the Awami League, the
National Awami Party (NAP), Leftist-Communist parties and radical
groups.
The Mukti Bahini had several factions. The foremost
one was organised by the members of the regular armed forces. The
Bangladesh Liberation Forces were led by four youth leaders of the
political wing of the Awami League. The Special Guerrilla Forces were
led by the Communist Party of Bangladesh, NAP, and the Bangladesh
Students Union.
In addition, there were other independent forces
that fought in various regions of Bangladesh and liberated many areas.
Among others, Siraj Sikder raised a strong guerrilla force which fought
several battles with the Pakistani soldiers in Payarabagan, Barisal. And
the Mujib Bahini was organised in India by Major General Oban of the
Indian Army and a number of Student League leaders.
Many of the individuals and leaders of Mukti Bahini
were deeply influenced by left-wing ideology in general. Clearly, there
were deep-seated conflicts among the communist parties – most notably,
split into pro-Russia and pro-China factions, and bitter disputes within
the pro-Chinese faction. In spite of this, many actively participated in
the liberation war around the main nucleus of the Mukti Bahini. Indeed,
the Indian authorities and members of the Awami League-led provisional
government had grave concerns that they could lose control of the
liberation war to the leftists.
After independence
SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN was a national hero, immensely
popular among the masses. He became prime minister of independent
Bangladesh after his release from a Pakistani prison. Rahman made many
promises to the masses during the course of the 1970 election campaign.
There were high hopes that everything would improve quickly. Rahman’s
administration introduced reforms, including nationalisation. A new
constitution was adopted on the basic principles of nationalism,
socialism, secularism and democracy.
More than a third of Bangladesh had been destroyed
by civil war or the devastating cyclone. The rebuilding process began
but proceeded at a very slow pace. The new government failed to control
rising food prices. Serious allegations were made of rampant corruption
against cabinet members and senior state officials. Corruption, nepotism
and mismanagement were rife. Rahman tried to appease the people by
sacking a few ministers but this half-hearted move failed to pacify the
mounting anger and discontent.
The first parliamentary elections were held in March
1973, with the Awami League winning a massive majority, 307 out of 315
national assembly seats. But it was losing popularity in the army, with
only 20% of the vote in the military areas. In December 1974, in the
face of continuing economic deterioration and mounting civil disorder,
Rahman proclaimed a state of emergency, limited the powers of the
legislative and judicial branches, and banned all newspapers except four
government-supported papers. He introduced a one-party system, banning
all the other parties.
Rahman’s government tried to silence every
dissenting voice. The opposition was crushed. But he had not delivered
what he had promised to the masses. The project of nation building on a
capitalist basis failed. Support from the army was evaporating rapidly
with a strong and rising resentment among middle-ranking officers at the
increasing influence of the Indian security forces.
Plunged into chaos
ON 15 AUGUST 1975, a coup by army officers was led
by Major Syed Faruqe Rahman and Major Rashid. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was
assassinated, along with his entire family (with the exception of two of
his daughters who were in Germany), several ministers and Awami League
leaders. Bangladesh was plunged into chaos. The gates were opened for a
series of military dictatorships.
The initial regime set up after the coup was
overthrown, in turn, on 3 November by General Khaled Mosharraf and Bir
Uttom, a decorated freedom fighter. Mosharraf was seen by many as a
supporter of the pre-August government. He put the army chief and fellow
freedom fighter, General Ziarur Rahman, under house arrest.
This coup lasted for a total of three days, and was
ended by a revolt of soldiers led by Colonel Abu Taher. They freed
Ziarur Rahman and killed the coup leaders. Although it was referred to
as a left-wing coup, a ‘soldiers’ revolution’, Ziarur Rahman used it to
establish the first military dictatorship in Bangladesh in November
1975. This lasted for five years – and survived 21 coup attempts. It
succumbed to the 22nd! Most of the coup attempts were led by 1971
freedom-fighter officers who were irked by Ziarur’s links with
anti-liberation, pro-Islamic forces. Army officers killed him on 30 May
1981.
General Ershad became the chief of staff while the
new president, Abdus Sattar, led the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)
to victory in elections in 1982. Once again, however, this was
short-lived, Ershad coming to power in a bloodless coup, backed by the
army tops, on 24 March 1982. He proclaimed himself ‘chief martial law
administrator’, taking over the presidency on 11 December 1983.
"We have made mistakes in the past", says Communist
Party of Bangladesh general secretary, Mujaheedul Islam Selim. "After
independence, we did not emerge as a force alternative to the Awami
League. This was a blunder. We failed to say: ‘If you don’t like Sheikh
[Mujibur Rahman], come with us’." He continued: "However, we can’t say
that the left has been obliterated. It is the left, after all, that is
most vocal in protest about vital national issues such as oil, gas,
seaports, the Phulbari coalmine and so on". Although significant, these
protests have yet to make an impact on a mass scale.
It is true that the left made grave mistakes and
blunders before independence and after. It failed again in 1975 during
the soldiers’ revolt. The ordinary members and activists have made
enormous sacrifices and fought bravely to bring about revolutionary
social change in the country. The leaders, however, blindly followed the
Stalinist stages theory. They tail-ended the different wings of the
ruling class, failing to put forward an independent class position and
alternative.
The workers, peasants, students, youth and poor are
suffering under capitalism because of the mistakes made by the left.
Again and again, the situation posed the urgent need for the socialist
transformation of the society, but left-wing leaders were too busy
finding one so-called ‘progressive’ capitalist leader or another with
whom they could help build capitalism and ‘democracy’ in the country –
with disastrous consequences for the working class and poor. Forty years
after independence, a socialist alternative based clearly on the
interests of the workers, poor and all those exploited by capitalism is
still needed to break this repetitious cycle.
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